Wednesday, January 29, 2020
The Influence of the Roman Empire Essay Example for Free
The Influence of the Roman Empire Essay The culture of ancient Rome casts a long shadow over our lives in the twenty-first century. Even if we don’t remember the origins, the influence of the ancient Romans can be seen all around us. Many buildings of high importance in the western world show the traditions of Roman architecture. The founding fathers of the United States drew upon Roman examples to craft our laws and design our system of government. The Roman influence on language, politics and military science are immeasurable. The ancient Romans were the world’s first superpower. Their achievements, and the seeds of their destruction, are mirrored in our society today. Master Builders The Romans were master builders. Combining what they knew from Greek architecture with their own innovations they constructed spectacular monuments roads aqueducts, arenas and other structures. Many of today’s buildings show the direct influence of ancient Rome. The Romans revolutionized road building. Their systems of roads are the models for our modern day cities. Advances in concrete production made these roads and many other buildings possible. The Romans might have been remembered even if this was their only accomplishment. The source of their vast influence on modern construction stems from their abilities to combine technological advances with functionality and aesthetics. The Romans also perfected the science of arch building. That science is alive and well today in our bridges and buildings. The Romans realized that the arch was an extremely strong, as well as beautiful, architectural form. They used it to full effect in their forums, aqueducts, churches and monuments. Our modern sports stadiums still resemble the Roman prototypes. The Romans devised an ingenious design to move large numbers of people in and out efficiently. The Flavian amphitheatre could seat 50,000 spectators, a number rivaling many of today’s stadiums. The ancient Romans were early innovators of â€Å"big entertainment.†Fox writes that the Romans were â€Å"conspicuous in history for the scale of public entertainment. The huge arenas hosted music, plays, chariot races and gladiator games. Like today, these entertainments were a cultural touchstone for the ancient Romans. One way the early Roman republic communicated with the citizens was through its coinage. The government often added phrases to the coins when minted. These phrases might state the grandeur of the empire or communicate the expectations of the larger state to each individual citizen. The coinage tradition has continued to this day. Most U.S. currency bears a phrase such as â€Å"E Pluribus Unum†(out of many, one). Not coincidentally, these phrases are written in Latin, the language of the ancient Romans. This is just one indicator of the influence of the Latin language throughout the world. As an empire, the Romans carried the language and tradition of Latin through large portions of the world. â€Å"Latin remained for centuries the common language of Europe and for longer still the language of the Catholic Church†¦Ã¢â‚¬ (Wells, 1984). The Republic The Roman republic was in place prior to 500 B.C. In 100 B.C. Julius Caesar was born, beginning the succession of Julio-Claudian leaders. By 79 A.D. the empire had disintegrated, but Roman concepts of law and government would carry a heavy influence for many centuries to come. In 18 B.C. the first substantial laws were enacted. These laws penalized adultery and childlessness and promoted childbirth. Like many of our laws today, these laws served a dual purpose. The Roman state needed more people, primarily to replace those who had been lost in a series of brutal wars. At the same time, the laws were a reflection of the prevailing morality of the day. Most countries no longer have comparable laws, but the motivations for the laws remain the same. Laws are part pragmatic, part moral. The early Roman republic was progressive and populist in nature. Offices were â€Å"†¦crafted to prevent any one person from seizing power†(Matyszak, 2006). The â€Å"checks and balances†our democratic nation features today are an outgrowth of that early Roman philosophy of government. We tend to think of democracy as a relatively new movement in the context of history. According to author Robin Fox, ancient Rome â€Å"†¦might deserve the label ‘democracy†(Fox, 2006). Representatives were elected by direct vote. A public vote also preceded the enacting of any new laws. Conclusion The ancient Roman society was remarkably modern in its nature and in its achievements. Their accomplishments are numerous and have a direct impact on our lives today. Robin Fox writes: The lasting memorials of the Roman Empire are roads and city-            buildings, aqueducts and Roman law and the Latin which            underlies many European languages.                                                                                   (Fox, 2006) The Roman focus on individualism was a strength of the republic. Unfortunately, it also led to its downfall. Individuals with no control over their self-interested pursuits engaged in power struggles. An alienated public led to a loss of support and paved the way for tyranny. A tyrannical state is destined to fall. It is deceptively easy for a democracy to move down that road. Democracies can in the short term be more fragile than dictatorships or other forms of government. Democracy relies on participation and a certain level of moral conduct to maintain itself in the long run. The ancient Romans were an incredibly productive culture. Their achievements have stood the test of time. As advanced as their republic was, however; it could not resist a slide into tyranny. This provides a lesson for us that goes beyond even their achievements in law, architecture and politics. Sources Fox, Robin Lane. The Classical World: an epic history from Homer to Hadrian. New York, Basic Books, 2006. Matyszak, Philip. The Sons of Caesar: Imperial Rome’s First Dynasty. London: Thames Hudson, 2006. Wells, Colin. The Roman Empire. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1984.
Monday, January 27, 2020
Future professional of tourism
Future professional of tourism Introduction New tourism is an important subject for future professional of tourism. To work in this sector we have to be aware of new form, new tendency and new destinations. Travel sellers have to know supply and demand in this field. Our file is a glimpse of some new ways of travel and new destinations. We need to keep watching on this new form of tourism because it is very competitive sector. Thats why we have chosen to describe two new destinations and two new form of tourism. In one part we explain couchsurfing that is a new form of tourism based on people exchanges. It is almost a way of life with values and aspirations. Une phrase sur la partie de reb. In a second part, we show two new destinations. First Bulgaria, its number of visitors has increased by 4000000 in 8 years. This country with a coast on Black sea is more and more visited especially by Europeans. Phrase sur partie de Reb. Tourism evolves and new forms are created Couch surfing CouchSurfings definition Couchsurfing is a new way of travelling based on sharing. An organization based on Internet (www.couchsurfing.com) manages the connections between people. CouchSurfing is an international non-profit network that connects travelers with locals in over 230 countries and territories around the world. A couch or a bedroom is offered to a visitor by a local for his stay. Since 2004, members have been using this system to come together for cultural exchange, friendship, and learning experiences. Today, over a million people who might otherwise never meet are able to share hospitality and cultural understanding. Our mission as an organization is to create inspiring experiences: cross-cultural encounters that are fun, engaging, and illuminating. These experiences take many forms. CouchSurfings initial focus was on hosting and surfing (staying with a local as a guest in their home). Alongside these core experiences, we now also facilitate a growing array of activities and events.[1] CouchSurfing members share hospitality with one another. These exchanges are a uniquely rich form of cultural interaction. Hosts have the opportunity to meet people from all over the world without leaving home. Surfers, or travelers, are able to participate in the local life of the places they visit. The CouchSurfing community continues to expand its horizons. Members are always finding more ways to connect and learn about each other. Every day, people across the world share coffee, camping trips, meetings, language exchanges, discussions and all sorts of other experiences. Who and how runs CouchSurfing? Casey Fenton launched the site on Jan 1, 2003 with co-founders : Dan Hoffer, Sebastien LeTuan, and Leonardo Bassani de Silveira. Casey continues to help CouchSurfing as Executive Director of the organization. The CouchSurfing organization has no physical location. Instead, it exists in the collaborations of diverse people from around the world. The strategic direction of the Couchsurfing organization is composed by a Board of Director and a Strategy Team. Each member of these two groups brings different specialized skills. Members of strategy team: Casey Fenton, co-founder and Executive Director; Mattthew Brauer, General Manager; Jim Stone, Chief Operations Officer; Weston Hankins, Chief Technological Officer; Cameron Mills, Project Portfolio Manager. There also some full-time employees and contractors. They have a variety of roles from building and maintaining the website to organizing finances. Finally, some part time volunteers help them to manage the organization. They are Couchsurfing members and they greet new members, report website bugs and answer member questions. CouchSurfing is a non-profit organization, funded entirely by the donations of members. According to the web site, every month, thousands of CouchSurfers choose to support the community by getting verified, an identity check that includes a donation. Other members choose to make independent or additional donations. Contributions help to pay for the costs of running the website, like server hosting, storage, database maintenance, mapping software, and many other costs[2]. Each positive experience between members costs 24 ¢ USD in CouchSurfing operating costs. The goal of CouchSurfing has never been about money, and using the site is free to all members. CouchSurfings non-profit status legally means that all resources must be spent directly on achieving the mission rather than creating profit for private interests. Few statistics 1775916 Couchserfers are travelling sharing homes in the worlds. There are 236 countries represented and 70637 cities for 318 languages spoken. The 10 countries most visited are United States with 395657 visitors that represent 22,3 % of couchsurfers, Germany with 168807 visitors (9,5 %), France with 150939 visitors (8,5%), United Kingdom 85587 visitors (4,8%), Canada 85544 visitors (4,8%), Australia 50821 visitors (2,9 %), Italy 50652 visitors (2,9%), Spain 48858 visitors (2,8%), Brazil 48503 visitors (2,7%) and Netherland 35661 visitors (2 %). We note that almost all continent are represented in the top-ten, except Asia but China just come in 12th position. Regarding the most visited cities Paris is on first position, then London and Berlin comes on third position. The average age of surfers is 28 and 85 % of surfers have between 18 and 35. Our opinion Couchsurfing is a meaningful new way of travelling. It creates connections between cultures and can enrich lives of everybody. It is more than a way of travelling it is a way of living with many values like exchange without profit. We think that couchsurfing is a door to experience new point of view and new culture by travelling or welcoming. It is also a tool to travel more especially for young people. Indeed, even if it could be less comfortable than hotel room, it is free. Travels help to built mind and this way of travelling permit to travel more, further and better. Partie de Reb New destination appears Bulgaria Bulgaria is a small country in south-eastern Europe. It have frontiers with Romania, Serbia, Macedonia, Greece and Turkey. This country owns coasts on Black sea. The climate and the relief permit to develop a large number of touristic products. In 2000 the number of visitors were 2100000, it increase and there were 6000000 tourists in 2008. Bulgarias assets The natural landscape is one of the most important assets. First, mountains and high peak are attractive for ski tourism. Most of the 44 ski resorts are located in western country around Sofia, the capital city. The most famous are: Aleko ski center on Vitosha mountain at 22 km of Sofias city center with 29km of ski runs, Borovets ski resort on Rila mountains that is a high class resort with luxury hotels, Bansko in Pirin mountain, thats one of the new ski resort in Bulgaria with 56 km of ski runs and a great off piste skiing, Pamporovo ski resort in the heart of Rodopa Mountain is the southernmost resort in Europe. Then, we can find the Black Sea Coast famous for its fine sanded beaches, and perfect temperatures of water and air. The northern and the southern coast are different. On the north tourists can find clean and calm sea surrounded beaches with fine grain golden sands. The most famous and the most frequented sea side resort are Golden Sand, Albena, Roussalka, Riviera, Slanchev Den (Sunny Day), St.Konstantin and Elena. On the south, picturesque bays and steep rocks coexist with spacious beaches and sand dune. The coast provides wonderful nature and modern constructions on holiday villages like Elenite, Sunny beach, Nessebur, Sopozol Rural tourism is another form present in Bulgaria but less significant. An unconventional form of tourism Health tourism is a great part of tourism in Bulgaria. With over 600 mineral springs with temperature between 10 °C and 120 °C, Bulgaria is a thermal destination. Pavel Banya, Hisar, Velingrad, Narechen, Vurshets, Kyustendil and Momin Prohod, near Kostenets are the most famous of the health resort. They treat different diseases like bronchial asthma, disturbances of locomotors system, cardiovascular diseases, neurological disorders Another Health or medical tourism exists in many forms. People travel in Bulgaria for medical, dental or surgery care, especially from United States and developed country where medical treatment are more and more expensive. Health Tourism is a combination of wellness and healthcare coupled with leisure and relaxation. Diet Center: Some tourists travel to lose weight and the most famous clinic is located in the sea side resort of St-Konstantin and Elena. A stay in the clinic last between 10 and 20 days and cost between 500 and 2000 Euros including catering in hotel, a medical consultation, medical exams and a diet program for each patient. Plastic surgery: It attracts tourists because of the low price and the quality of services. In the middle of 90s a lot of clinics have opened and a high competition appear. The clinics directors had to invest in high technology and high qualified staff. As example a breast augmentation cost on average 6000 Euros in France, England or Germany and only 2500 Euros in Bulgaria. Tooth care: The prices are cheaper than in Western Europe because they are align on Bulgarian standard of living. We can find a lot of good clinics in big cities like Sofia, Burgas, Varna and Plovdiv. Some tour operator offer medical trip to their customers, they organize the whole stay. Global medical travel in USA and BGmedical travel in Bulgaria are specialized on medical travel. Our opinion According to us, it could be interesting to travel abroad for surgery or medical care. Indeed, in many occidental countries a lot of people are underinsured or uninsured. It means that many people have to pay for their medical care. According to a Harvard study, in USA half of personal bankruptcies are related to medical expenses. We think that its sometimes the only solution to cure decay. People have to be careful. First of all, they must check the procedure and compare with their expectations, inquire about follow-up care needed, time required for recovery, physical therapy etc Then, they have to select the hospital by considering its accreditation, awards and recognitions, facility and equipments and statistics like success rates. Finally, its essential to heck the certifications, training and repute of the surgeon. www.couchsurfing.com Attached document n °1: Couchsurfing International,Inc. Income and Expense statement 2008 These statistics are generated on March, 31th 2010 at 5:37 am.
Tuesday, January 21, 2020
Myth and Romance in Star Wars :: Star Wars Film Movie Movies Essays
Myth and Romance in Star Wars Pure science fiction is rarely written. Science fiction is often blended with elements of other genres from horror to fairy tales. The movie Star Wars Episode IV: A New Hope is one example of this. It contains a combination of science fiction with mythical and romantic elements. Contributing to this combination are the main characters Luke, Leia, Han, and Obi-wan, the movie’s setting in a galaxy far, far away, and Luke’s great quest. Luke Skywalker is a mythical character. Luke is orphaned as a child and is taken in by his aunt and uncle. He is hidden away from his father and his father’s cohorts to protect him from the dark side. Luke is only one of many mythical heroes that are reared by someone other than his own parents. Oedipus, a Greek mythological hero, was hidden in another kingdom and raised by the king and queen there to protect him from his parents. Luke is portrayed as a savior that will bring balance to the Force and will help the Rebellion beat the evil Galactic Empire. He is completely pure and sinless because he is so naà ¯ve about the ways of the galaxy. Luke strives to save the souls of those around him.[1] For example, his friend Han Solo is a greedy man that looks out only for himself. Only by offering a reward does Luke convince Han to do the right thing and help him save Princess Leia. At the end of the movie, however, Luke causes Han to experience a change of heart. Han willingly puts his life on the line to protect Luke and destroy the Death Star, without looking for some reward. This is similar to the stories told in Scripture about Jesus. He attempted to teach the others around him to lead a good life in service to others. Myths generally involve some religious aspect. Myths always tell the story of some god or goddess that walks among the mortals to teach them a lesson, as Jesus and Luke do. Resembling other mythical heroes, Luke is gifted with divine powers. Luke is able to use these powers, called the Force, to influence the actions and thoughts of others and to manipulate his surroundings. This makes him better than the average man because he can use these powers to his advantage against any enemy. These powers make him impossible to beat unless one also has the same powers.
Sunday, January 19, 2020
We Must Save the Rainforests :: Argumentative, Persuasive, Environment
Rainforests, should we cut them down or not? Probably one of the biggest questions the world has to overcome. Sure, rainforests supply us with a lot of resources and we could surely not live without cutting some of them down, but should we be cutting them down at the rate we are? To be exact, the statistic estimates 1.5 acres of natural rainforests are being destroyed every second. While this practise supplies us with resources like timber for furniture, it also reduces the amount of oxygen supply. Rainforests once covered 14% of the worlds land surface, however now it only covers a mere 6%. It is estimated that all rainforests could be consumed in less than 40 years. Trees are becoming more needed and used everyday. We need them cut down for many reasons such as paper and timber, while also needing them ‘untouched’ for other reasons like oxygen, we have to ask ourselves, which is more important? At the current rate, most of the rainforests are being cut down for resources like paper and timber, but less importance is being placed on main resources like oxygen. Simply speaking, rainforests are basically the foundation of the earth. The most important role that rainforests play is ‘the lungs of the earth’. This is extremely vital to the earth’s survival as the trees and plants absorb carbon dioxide which they use to help grow and let out oxygen which we need to live. This system is known as the carbon-oxygen cycle and with numbers of rainforests declining, it is highly threatened. The largest rainforest in the world, the Amazon, alone is known to produce half of the world’s oxygen. A break down in the carbon-oxygen cycle means that we will not only have less oxygen, but an increase in carbon dioxide which eventually leads to global warming. This occurs as carbon dioxide traps heat which actually keeps the earth warm, with the right amount of carbon dioxide that is. This is called the greenhouse effect and occurs naturally however due to decreasing number of trees, there is more carbon dioxide than needed which trap s extra heat making the earth hotter than needed, this is known as global warming which also causes a rise in sea level. The world’s climate is kept stable and suitable to live in, mainly by rainforests, in a number of ways. They are often known as ‘climate controllers’. They keep the planet cool, as they absorb much of the suns heat, instead of reflecting it back into the atmosphere. We Must Save the Rainforests :: Argumentative, Persuasive, Environment Rainforests, should we cut them down or not? Probably one of the biggest questions the world has to overcome. Sure, rainforests supply us with a lot of resources and we could surely not live without cutting some of them down, but should we be cutting them down at the rate we are? To be exact, the statistic estimates 1.5 acres of natural rainforests are being destroyed every second. While this practise supplies us with resources like timber for furniture, it also reduces the amount of oxygen supply. Rainforests once covered 14% of the worlds land surface, however now it only covers a mere 6%. It is estimated that all rainforests could be consumed in less than 40 years. Trees are becoming more needed and used everyday. We need them cut down for many reasons such as paper and timber, while also needing them ‘untouched’ for other reasons like oxygen, we have to ask ourselves, which is more important? At the current rate, most of the rainforests are being cut down for resources like paper and timber, but less importance is being placed on main resources like oxygen. Simply speaking, rainforests are basically the foundation of the earth. The most important role that rainforests play is ‘the lungs of the earth’. This is extremely vital to the earth’s survival as the trees and plants absorb carbon dioxide which they use to help grow and let out oxygen which we need to live. This system is known as the carbon-oxygen cycle and with numbers of rainforests declining, it is highly threatened. The largest rainforest in the world, the Amazon, alone is known to produce half of the world’s oxygen. A break down in the carbon-oxygen cycle means that we will not only have less oxygen, but an increase in carbon dioxide which eventually leads to global warming. This occurs as carbon dioxide traps heat which actually keeps the earth warm, with the right amount of carbon dioxide that is. This is called the greenhouse effect and occurs naturally however due to decreasing number of trees, there is more carbon dioxide than needed which trap s extra heat making the earth hotter than needed, this is known as global warming which also causes a rise in sea level. The world’s climate is kept stable and suitable to live in, mainly by rainforests, in a number of ways. They are often known as ‘climate controllers’. They keep the planet cool, as they absorb much of the suns heat, instead of reflecting it back into the atmosphere.
Monday, January 13, 2020
Describe Diversity, Equality, Inclusion and Participation Essay
Diversity refers to our differences such as culture, beliefs, values, views and life experiences. The concept of diversity is to accept, respect and embrace our differences. When people with these differences unite and share the same group or organization we see a diverse environment. Working in a childcare setting, we have the potential to work with an abundance of diversity. This can be very rewarding but can also pose challenges. Positively, we have the opportunity to promote the sense of individuality, sense of pride and belonging by providing a safe and nurturing environment. Discussing each other’s differences is a great way to learn and become aware of the differences in the world. One example of promoting diversity is to display the word â€Å"welcome†on the door in all first languages spoken in that classroom or even learning how to say hello in each language. The challenges are learning how ensure equality and eliminate discrimination. Introducing children at an early age to diversity will have an impact on their acceptance of others who are different from them. Diversity can also come in the form of race, gender, sexual orientation, socio-economic status, age, physical abilities and political beliefs. Equality Equality is the term for equal opportunities. Whilst supporting diversity and respecting differences everyone is offered the same services and programs. All children and families have an equal chance and equal right to participate or not to participate regardless of any differences such as physical disabilities or cultural beliefs. Practitioners have a duty to ensure that there is equality in their classroom. A child who has a learning disability should not be stereotyped with assumptions that he or she is not capable and therefor does not receive equal opportunity in classroom activities. Discrimination is the result of not practicing equality, for example, a child cannot be left out of a school outing because they don’t have transport to accommodate his wheel chair. Discrimination due to inequality can be very detrimental to a child’s emotional well being. A child can develop low-self esteem, low confidence, feel unwanted and loose sense of belonging. The equality act of 2010 legally protects people from discrimination in organizations and society. Some provisions relating to disability include extending protection against indirect discrimination to disability and harmonizing the thresholds for the duty to make reasonable adjustments for disabled people. This act will help to protect the children in school settings and into adulthood. Reference: Equality Act 2010: guidance, publishes 27 February 2013, https://www. gov. uk/equality-act-2010-guidance Inclusion Inclusion is the practice that every need is met for every student in their learning setting. Inclusive education allows children with disabilities to learn along side children without disabilities. This type of educational practice differs from having children with special needs secluded to special schools and classrooms. It allows children with disabilities to feel as an equal member of the classroom, which will build self-confidence and teach social skills. Schools need to ensure that they meet all needs by having resources and equipment to aid the students and help them to join as many activities as possible. For example braille books for children who are blind, providing wide doors, ramps and disabled toilets, speech therapist and physical therapist. When children have the opportunity to use these services they will more likely achieve their educational goals and feel less different from their peers. Practitioners could aid children in their classrooms by learning as much as possible about any disability a child in their care has, for example if a child in their classroom is hearing impaired, learning a few basic sign language words such as â€Å"lunch†â€Å"outside†â€Å"toilet†could help the child feel more part of the classroom’s daily flow. Reference: Wikipedia, Inclusion (education), 22 October 2013, http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Inclusion_(education) Participation Participation is the act of participating and being involved in activities, decisions, planning and sharing. Participation is important for the children as well as the parents in school settings. When parents and children are involved in decision-making it allows them to feel connected to the school and feel like their voice is being heard and wishes met. Children feel that their opinions and feelings matter, this is important to social skill development, as they will feel apart of the school community. Children who participate in school activities such as sports gain self-confidence and team building skills. Communication skills improve, stress is relieved and friendships build as children learn to trust and depend on their peers. Supporting participation could be to invite parents into the class to share their child’s favorite storybook from home and be a part of that day’s circle time. The child will gain a sense of pride as they sit beside their parent as they contribute to circle time. Another example is the children could take turns bringing home a â€Å"letter bag†where they find objects from around their home that begin with the â€Å"letter of the week†. The child and parent can work together finding the objects and the child can share it in class the following day. Reference: Participation works partnership, http://www. participationworks. org. uk/topics/education
Saturday, January 11, 2020
Pillow Method
Do children apologize to each other? Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse ZOHAR KAMPF and SHOSHANA BLUM-KULKA Abstract Children’s apologies are greatly under-researched. Though there is wealth of information available on the pragmatics of apologies generally, we know much less about whether and how children apologize. Our study explores modes of remedial work by Israeli children in peer discourse. The data were collected through ethnographic observation of Israeli preschool and preadolescents, and consist of 57 (taped and transcribed) apology events identified in natural peer interactions.The analysis of children’s apology events revealed a rich range of apology strategies used by 4 6 year old children, indicating the acquisition of remedial competencies for face management at a relatively early age and showed that with age, a richer range of potential violations is identified, and more elaborate forms of repair are being used, indicating a growing sensitivity to the other’s face needs. Furthermore, we found that adult intervention in children’s conflictual situations serves to model remedial strategies, but is not necessarily effective for conflict resolution.Importantly, peer talk apology events index the centrality of friendship in young children’s social world: breaches from expected behavior in play are taken as face threatening to the core of friendship, namely the children’s shared face as friends, and hence can function to end (even if temporarily) the friendship. Consequently, in such cases, the restoration of friendship becomes a necessary precondition for the felicitous realization of an apology. Keywords: apology, remedial work, remedial competencies, pragmatic development, peer talk, social norms 1. IntroductionThe apology as a speech act has recently received a great deal of attention in a variety of disciplines philosophy, sociology, psychology, law, Journal of Politeness Research 3 (2007), 11 3 7 DOI 10. 1515/PR. 2007. 002 1612-5681/07/003 0011 Walter de Gruyter 12 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka political science, international relations, communication and discourse studies and through diverse methodologies. Nevertheless, there are still surprising lacunae in this field, such as the lack of knowledge on the pragmatic development of children’s apologies in natural discourse.The pragmatic study of apologies to date has been mainly adult-usage oriented, whether conducted within the framework of gender differences (Holmes 1989, 1993; Tannen 1994), cross-cultural (for example, Olshtain 1989, Suszczynska 1999; Rieter 2000) or interlanguage pragmatics ? (Trosberg 1987; Garcia 1989; Bergman and Kasper 1993). Children’s apologies have been most frequently studied from the standpoint of social psychology, using mainly experimental methodologies.In this approach the experiments conducted focused primarily on judgments of the perception and effectiveness of apologie s (Meier 2004). As Meier stresses in her brief but exhaustive review, the study of children’s apologies has been â€Å"developmental in nature, precipitated by an interest in the overall socialization process. Focuses have thus been on apology production as it relates to cognitive maturation and concomitant changes in perceptions of responsibility, intentionality and self. †(Meier 2004: 5).However, as far as we are aware, no study to date has examined the speech act realization of apologies in natural child discourse (in both peer and adult-child interactions). Thus, research is needed to address questions such as strategy choice in relation to contextual and social factors; the types of violations triggering apologetic behavior in children’s social worlds; and face-management as related to face-threat and remedial work in the sequence of interaction. The dearth of research concerning children is puzzling, particularly in view of the importance of apologies fro m a developmental perspective.Mastering the ability to apologize indicates the maturation of the child as an independent agent (Hickson 1986), who is accountable for his/her deeds. This development also implies the emergence of the awareness of negative face wants (Brown and Levinson 1987). The realization of apologies further indicates the emergence of positive face wants, since by its realization the child manifests his/her ability for appropriate behavior in the social world, complying with basic norms.In fact, the familiarity with the apology script, in its narrow sense as remedial work for a misdeed (Goffman 1971), demonstrates familiarity with two different norms: the norm violated which threatened the face of the offended party, and the norm by which it is appropriate to apologize in such circumstances (Tavuchis 1991). Thus, by using the appropriate form in the appropriate settings, abiding by the basic felicity conditions, the child is manifesting his/her acquired competence to restore equilibrium to social relations, utilizing an efficient tool for conflict resolution, and Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 3 thereby fulfilling the main social function of the speech act of apology (Edmondson 1981; Leech 1983). Beyond acquiring the basic features of the apologetic script, children also need to learn a multiplicity of forms and functions for the speech act in order to achieve full pragmatic competence. Apology forms can be used as a means to save the face of the other or that of the self as well as to threaten them (see Lakoff 2001 for a review on the forms and functions of the speech act), and, as such, they index children’s competencies of face management in interactions with peers andor adults.In this paper we closely examine apologies observed during natural peer interaction of Israeli children with the following issues in mind: What is the scope of strategies used by children for apologizing? Is there a developmental line in apol ogetic behavior over the years? What types of offenses trigger an apology? What can they tell us about the norms of the social world of Israeli children? And lastly, what are the roles of adult mediators both in socializing children in the practice of apology and to the practice of conflict management and resolution? . Method The apologies analyzed here were detected in child discourse during ethnographic observations of peer interactions in Israeli preschool children in the preschool and at home, and Israeli young adolescents at home and at a diner1. These observations are part of a larger longitudinal project aimed at tracking the development of genres of extended discourse2. Within the overall framework of the project, we followed two cohorts of 20 Israeli children each young preschoolers and fourth graders for duration of three years (2001 2003).The children were observed and taped in three types of speech events: natural peer interactions; family mealtimes; and semi-structured adult child interviews. The data for this paper come from the transcripts of natural peer interaction of both preschoolers and fourth graders in free play during the first and the third year of the project, when the mean age of the younger group was 5 and 7 respectively, and that of the older group 9 and 11. We analyzed 1362 minutes (22 hours and 42 minutes) of transcribed interaction, using two different methods.First, by using a key word search, we located all the explicit apologies that contained IFID’s (Illocutionary Force Indicating Device) in our data. We considered all expressions containing variants of the conventional forms of apologies in Hebrew: hitnatclut (apology), slixa (literally forgiveness, or pardon, can function as ‘excuse me’), and ca’ar (sorry or regret). For each occurrence, we analyzed the full interactional sequence of the apology event from the initial violation through the realization of the apology and later reac- 14 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka tions to it in order to characterize the pragmatic strategies and social ontexts in which they were uttered. After ensuring through these procedures that we did not miss any conventional form of apology in our data, we reviewed the transcripts to locate conversational sequences that were likely to invite remedial work and analyzed the instances of the indirect apologies identified. The children’s apology events were analyzed with several goals in mind. First, in terms of their form, namely the main strategies used by the speaker: type of IFID, admittingavoiding responsibility, types of accounts, the presence of a promise of forbearance, offers for repair, minimizations and maximizations (see Blum-Kulka et al. 989 for details). Second, in terms of their function, namely by noting the interactional goal of the apology (whether it functions apologetically or nonapologetically as in a challenging or sarcastic keying) and, more broadly, by noting the way it functions and develops in the specific context and co-text in which it appears. Close consideration of the local co-text and context also takes into account the violations that trigger apologies and the â€Å"keying†(Blum-Kulka et al. 004) of the apologies, namely whether the apology was sincere, casual, challenging or sarcastic (see Deutschmann 2003 for details), and whether realized within a pretend-play frame. Thirdly, we further explored the strategies and functions of apologies in Israeli children’s peer talk from a developmental perspective, looking for differences in the use of strategies with age. We also considered the role of mediators, mostly institutional figures, in the socialization of apologetic behavior. And lastly, we analyzed the preschool children’s sholem (lit. eace) ritual; a cultural alternative for apology manifested by signaling performatively the restoration of a â€Å"peace†state. Our most surprising finding was the richness o f the range of apology strategies used by young children (4 6 years old); a finding that indicates the acquisition of remedial competencies for face management at a relatively early age. 3. Children’s remedial work How frequently do people apologize? Since most research on apologies has been carried out with the use of written questionnaires, role-play or anecdotal data collection during ethnographic observations (Butler 2001), the actual ate of apologies in natural talk remains a puzzle (Holmes 1990). Our observations of 22 hours and 42 minutes of children’s interactions yielded an apology event on average every 23. 9 minutes, (0. 042 apologies per minute, 57 apology events in 1362 minutes of talk: see Table 1). Apologies were the least frequent at the first observation of the younger cohort. When the children were age 4 to 6 years, the rate Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 15 Table 1. Mean of apology events per minute for each age group. Preschool year 1 (4 6) Number of apology events Length of transcription (minutes) ean of apology events per minute Preschool year 3 (6 8) preadolescents year 1 (9 10) preadolesN cents year 3 (11 12) 12 11 15 19 57 377. 5 235. 5 321 428 1362 0. 032 0. 046 0. 047 0. 44 0. 042 of apology events is one every 31. 5 minutes (12 events in 377 minutes. ). Two years later the rate goes up to one apology every 21. 4 minutes (235/ 11). This is also the rate for apologies in the talk of the older cohort: every 21. 4 minutes the first year (321/15), when the children were age 9 to 10, and every 22. 5 minutes two years later, when the children were age 11 to 12 (428/19).The 57 apology events contained 82 occurrences of IFIDs (different Hebrew specific illocutionary force device expressions used for apologizing): an apology expression for every 16. 6 minutes of talk, 0. 06 per minute. The ratio of IFIDs per words is surprisingly similar to the rate found for British English spoken by people of varied ages and ba ckgrounds. As calculated by Deutschmann (2003), the rate of IFIDs in British English was 59. 7 per 100,000 words, (3070 tokens in 5,139,083 running words), while in our small corpus of 157,666 running words (and 82 IFIDS) the rate found was 52 per 100,000 words3. . 1. Apology events: Types of violations and remedial work We defined an â€Å"apology event†as a conversational sequence including at least one remedial utterance indicating a violation. Further remedial actions with regard to the specified violation were considered as part of the same event. The event might further include complaints, a demand for an apology and negotiations over the acceptance of the apology and its meaning. 3. 1. 1. Violations By â€Å"violation†we mean an act or event that breaches a norm or a behavioral code; a breach the offender is expected to be accountable for to the offended party.In politeness theory terms, a violation is a face-threatening act the offender is expected to repair, supporting the offended party’s 16 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Table 2. Types of violations over age (N Preschool year 1 (4 6) A. Accidents B. Mistakes and misunderstandings C. Breach of expectation D. Lack of consideration E. Talk offences F. Social gaffs G. Requests H. Hearing offense I. Offense involving breach of consensus J. Unidentified N i 57)i. Preschool year 3 (6 8) 3 preadoles- preadoles- Adult N cents year 1 cents year 3 all groups (9 10) (11 12) 3 3 1 4 4 3 1 3 1 5 3 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 8 1 13 1 8 3 4 2 3 1 11 9 15 7 8 19 1 3 57 One violation was coded for each apology event. The distinction between child and adult violation is in the question â€Å"who is the violator? †. face without a threat to his/her own (Chen 2001). Violations are at the core of the apology event. Exploring the types of violations children consider accountable allows us a glimpse of a child’s notion of what acts or words are considered face-threatening and how these notions change with time. In other words, it allows us to assess the children’s system of politeness from their own point of view.The distribution of types of violation identified (following Deutschmann’s 2003 classification) is presented in Table 2. Despite the small numbers, some tentative patterns emerge: the most salient type of violation is lack of consideration (13), followed by mistakes and misunderstandings (8), breach of expectations (8), talk offenses (8) and accidents (7). Except for accidents (which mainly have to do with unintentionally physically hurting another child), these categories all relate to children’s social worlds, and testify to children’s norms and expectations from their peers.Interestingly, the categories are not evenly distributed: while children in the younger cohort realized apologies with regard to only four types of violations, the children in the older cohort realized apologies with regard to seven types at the age of 9 to 10, and nine types at the age of 11 to 12. Hence as children develop, they seem Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 17 to identify a richer range of potential violations, refining their sensitivity to the positive and negative face needs of the other, while concurrently developing more elaborate forms of repair4.Lack of consideration is the most salient type of violation attended to. Example 1 illustrates how the style of directives in play may become an issue of face-threat and trigger an indirect demand for an apology. The two girls, Liat and Nofar are enacting the roles of salesgirls in a dress shop scenario of pretend play. Liat, who takes on the leading role, issues a series of detailed direct instructions to Nofar in a machine gun style, which apparently Nofar finds irritating. Example 1: Annoying instructions5 Participants: Liat, f, (9;5); Nofar, f, (9). Date: 2. . 2000 Place: Liat’s room. Situation: The girls play free-play, â€Å"clothing store†. The first indication for considering the instructions as a threat to Nofar’s face is her refusal to cooperate (turn 131). The second indication is more explicit: following yet another instruction in 134, she repeats her refusal in an angry voice, adding a tag for emphasis (turn 135). This time her companion begins her turn overlapping Nofar immediately after the first two words â€Å"I can’t†beginning yet another directive but cutting herself 18 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka ff to insert a repair â€Å"ok sorry†, thereby indicating that she must have sensed the angry tone in Nofar’s mid-turn. Yet she continues with still another attempt to pull Nofar back into her â€Å"instruction taking†role by the use of â€Å"but†(â€Å"but look, let’s say you finished. †) The attempt fails, and Nofar continues to protest (turn 137). It is noteworthy that while all of Liat’s turns are uttered within the pretend play frame, it is not clear whether Nofar’s turns (except for 133) are uttered within that frame, testifying to the salesgirl’s state of mind, or are uttered outside the frame, indicating real annoyance.Other types of salient violations, with 8 occurrences each, were mistakes and misunderstandings, talk offenses and breach of expectations. The first type, mistakes and misunderstandings, happened mainly during play, and only in the preadolescent’s talk. The explicit apology uttered referred to violations such as mistakes in operating a toy cashier or not putting an item in its place during a â€Å"clothing store†play (see example 1). Talk offenses, attended to through self repairs, occurred in our data first at the age of 6.Conversely, breach of expectations was attended to mainly in the young cohort6. Another salient type of violation was accidents (7), which were mainly violent acts against a member of the peer group, and occurred chiefly between boys. 3. 1. 2. Remedial strategies Do remedial strategies correspond to types of violation? We found no indication in our peer talk data that, as argued by Darby and Schlenker (1982), the nature and severity of the violation affects the form of the apology. The distribution of IFIDs (Illocutionary Force Indicators) and apology strategies is presented in Tables 3 and 4.Of the three forms, only mitnacel (apologize) is a uni-functional IFID used for apologies only; both micta’er (sorry) and slixa (forgive, excuse, pardon) are pragmatically multi-functional and can be used with other speech acts, with varying force of the apology function (e. g. , sorry, you have to clean the room now). The results confirm previous findings with regard to young children’s basic understanding of the notions of culpability and responsibility (Weiner and Handel, 1985) and their capability for providing violation targeted accounts (Much and Shweder, 1978).The lexeme slixa (literally ‘pardon’ derived from the verb ‘to forgive’, lisloa’x, often used for ‘excuse me’) is the most frequent item in all ages, followed by micta’er (I’m sorry) and finally by ‘apologize’, which is more formal and appeared only once in our corpus and was realized by an adult. From among the various strategies identified in adult discourse (Olshtain, 1989; Deutschmann, 2003), three did not show up in the children’s Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 19 Table 3. Distribution of Common Hebrew apology IFID types across age groups (N 82).Preschool year 1 (4 6) A. Apologize or apology (mitnacel ) B. Sorry (micta’er) C. Forgive, Excuse, Pardon (slixa) N Preschool year 3 (6 8) preadoles- preadoles- Adult N cents year 1 cents year 3 all groups (9 10) (11 12) 1 1 5 2 3 4 4 16 20 7 14 15 9 65 17 (18 with 19 adult realizations) 14 82 25 (32 with 7 (13 with adults readult realizations) alizations) Table 4. Distribution of Is raeli children’s apology strategies across age groups (N Preschool year 1 (4 6) Responsibility Excuses Justification Promise for forbearance Repair Minimization Maximization 4 N 9 Preschool year 3 (6 8) 28). preadolespreadolesN cents year 1 cents year 3 (9 10) (11 12) 2 1 1 8 9 2 8 1 1 4 2 1 9 14 3 28 discourse: promise for forbearance; repair; and minimization. Taking on responsibility by naming the offense (I’m sorry for what I did ) occurred in both age cohorts, as did excuses. Contrary to the claim made in the literature (Graybill 1990; Schadler and Ayers Nachamkin 1983), preschool children did externalize causes for wrong doing via the use of excuses (by mistake/not because of me/I didn’t mean to/I don’t hear so well ).On the other hand, maximization (by intensifiers like very much, really) occurred only in the speech of the older cohort, and might indicate a growing recognition with age of the importance of sincerity in the realization of apologies. This finding is in line with Darby and Schlen- 20 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka ker’s (1982) argument that older children (9 12 years) perceive elaborated apologies as expressing deeper regret, and are also more able than younger children (5 6 years) to realize such apologies. 3. 2. The keying repertoire of children’s apologiesOne aspect of children’s growing sophistication in mastering the forms and functions of apologies is expressed through variations in â€Å"key†, the interpretative frame of the utterance marked often through tone of voice in terms of its â€Å"color†or mood, such as ironic, sincere, playful or subversive (Blum-Kulka et al. 2004). A somewhat similar notion is proposed by Deutschmann (2003) in marking apologies on a scale for sincerity, such as casual, sincere, challenging or sarcastic. Adding the category of â€Å"pretend†we adopted Deutschmann’s terms to classify all the apologies used by type of keying .As can be seen in Table 5 the major cutting line between the two cohorts is in the absence of the sarcastic and the scarcity of challenging keying from the younger children’s discourse. All other keyings are realized by all age groups. Casual keying (such as in sorry after stepping on somebody’s foot) appears in the younger children’s talk during joint activities, like drawing (Silver? Silver? Sorry, I don’t have silver color ) and is used by the preadolescents on various occasions, including for having made an error of speech.Marking apologies as sincere (lexically by repetition as in I’m really really sorry or by tone of voice) is common practice for all children. These two keyings are linked to apologies proper, namely with utterances that carry the illocutionary force of the ‘apology’ speech act. On the other hand, the use of the challenging and sarcastic keying (both less common) can be associated with a range of speech acts, som etimes mitigating the challenging key of the upcoming act, and sometimes underscoring it.Thus such forms can be used to pre-empt an FTA (as in directives excuse me, could you †¦), indicating the speaker’s Table 5. Distribution of apologies by keying over age (N Type of Keying Casual Sincere Challenging Sarcastic Pretend Preschool and Grade 1 Preadolescent 8 13 2 1 8 (2 challenging; 6 (all sincere) 6 sincere) Adults 3 8 19 29 57). 3 4 N 11 25 2 (4) 1 14 (2 challenging; 12 sincere) 57 Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 21 reluctance to impinge on the hearer’s negative face and thereby redressing that impingement (Brown and Levinson 1987).Deutschmann (2003) argues that in adult discourse, when such use of apology forms occurs in response to violations having to do with deviations from the consensus and in an aggressive tone, usually during heated debates, it is hard to see how they can be considered a mitigating device. Similarly, in situations of behavio r control, the apology forms used by adults in interaction with the preschoolers serve a different purpose (Teacher: Excuse me?! You take your bag and you go in, no going wild. Please, don’t put chairs here).Such apology forms act in fact as directives to control behavior, and are in concert with and actually underscore the challenging key of the main control act. We found no instances of such use among the preschoolers, but it does appear in the talk of the preadolescents. On one occasion, when Ronen (9. 9) and Sa’ar (10) are playing with nylon bubbles, Ronen reacts to Sa’ar snatching the nylon with an indignant, excuse me sir, sir sir. Here again the apology form is used in the service of another function, namely to express an indignant objection.On the whole, the sarcastic keying is quite common in the talk of preadolescents, and is used with a variety of speech acts (Blum-Kulka et al. 2004), yet appeared only once with apologies. Example 2: ‘Sorry for Sa’ar’s momentary insanity’ Participants: Sa’ar, m, (10); Ronen, m, (9;9) Orly (9;9). Date: 22. 2. 00. Place: Sa’ar’s room. Situation: The children are talking to the microphone. In pretend play children learn to abide by rules and regulations, and their behavior in the play frame includes attending to minor and major 22 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka violations.Minor violations might be an error in naming one of the characters in play, or mistakes in the ways in which toys are operated. Major violations have to do with acting out of character in play, as in a case of a fight between two Pokemon characters, in which one of the children is offended by what seems to him as undue force having been used towards him by the other. The category of ‘pretend’ keying encompasses instances which are doubly keyed: first, for being uttered within the play frame; and second, for their specific function within play as sincere, sarcastic o r challenging.Interestingly, apology forms associated with a challenging key appeared only in the third observation period for the preschoolers, when the children were 6 to 8, and only within the play frame. The following example illustrates such a case of slixa (sorry) uttered within the pretend play frame, in which Idit is enacting a dissatisfied pupil complaining to her ‘teacher’. The use of slixa here can be seen to function both to express indignation in response to the content of the previous turn (with no trace of its apology meaning), as well as to apologize for and thus mitigate in advance the upcoming FTA (you are a bad teacher ).Although she is ostensibly using the voice of a child, the style and adversarial tone of her delivery seems to echo adult parlance, perhaps that of a dissatisfied parent or teacher. Thus the play activity, by bringing in multiple roles and voices, allows for the development of pragmatic competencies by widening the repertoire of apolo gy forms and functions. Example 3: ‘Excuse me teacher. Don’t speak with me about them’ Participants: Idit, f, (6;8); Shirley, f, (5;10). Date: 14. 3. 02 Place: Idit’s living room. Situation: The children are playing with dolls. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 3 4. Resolution: Adult mediation vs. child negotiation Adult intervention in children’s conflicts may provide potentially important socializing input to the development of the pragmatics of apologizing. One adult strategy observed in the preschool is to attend to both parties in a conflict in the same breath, admonishing the offender on the one hand and stressing the need to accept his or her apology on the other (You have to accept his apology). Adult interventions in the children’s conflict may also function to model behavior, and to achieve conciliation through mediation (Tavuchis 1991: 64 68).We do not know of course the extent to which the use of apologies by the chil dren is the direct outcome of adult modeling, but echoes of adult usage in peer talk, as when quoting the speech of one’s mother to a disruptive child visitor at home (she said to him Nadav, sorry, you are exaggerating! ), show that children can be highly attentive to adult speech. Children’s acknowledgement of the role of adult as mediator and conciliator finds its expression in the preschool in situations of conflict through quite frequent threats ‘to tell’ (ani agid otxa (lit. I’ll tell on you)).Yet children’s conflict management does not necessarily benefit from adult intervention. In the following examples we shall consider cases when a) children locally solve a conflict by themselves (example 4); b) cases when adult intervention is partly successful in modeling apology behavior, yet does not solve the conflict (example 5a and 5b); and c) cases when adult intervention is non-felicitous the adult imposes collective punishment without goin g to the root of the matter, while the children find sophisticated ways to negotiate a conciliation (example 6).In the episode below, the children have been enacting Pokemon characters in pretend play, and Dani, playing the good Pokemon, declares having killed the bad Pokemon played by Oren, apparently enacting the â€Å"killing†with undue force and hurting Oren physically. Oren shows he is hurt by emphatically opting out of play (32: I’ m simply not playing with you, really, I won’t play with you at all, Dani ). Dani reacts first by countering Oren, but seems to cut himself off to apologize briefly (34: sorry)7.Oren obliquely refuses to accept the apology by declaring his intention to hurt the offending party, using third person singular to mark re-entry to the pretend frame (35: I’ll hit him). The elaborate apology proffered by Dani next, containing both an IFID and the taking on of responsibility, (36: I’m sorry for what I did. Sorry) seems to satisfy Oren, who concedes that the hitting was done ‘gently’.The repair sequence lasts 4 turns, and includes repair, threat, elaboration of the repair, and acceptance of the repair through re-framing of the violation as non-grave. The full success of the repair sequence is evident 24 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 4: ‘It was done gently’ Participants: Oren, m, (6;1); Dani, m, (5;11); Alon, m (5). Date: 6. 4. 00. Place: â€Å"Einit†preschool, Jerusalem. Situation: The children are playing Pokemon. n the next two turns (39 and 40), in which the two children resume cooperation in enacting in play different Pokemon characters, and Oren proceeds to tell Dani, (with Dani’s willing cooperation as active audience), a complicated tale which serves to explain why he even shouldn’t have been considered the enemy and been hit in the former stage of the pretend play (see Blum-Kulka 2005, for a fuller transcript and analysis of this in teraction).This episode, which follows immediately the previous one, lasts over 76 turns, and illustrates how adult mediation might enhance the learning of strategies of conflict management, but does not necessarily lead to conflict resolution. The event builds up to a crisis when more children join Dani and Alon in the Pokemon based pretend play, with the children enacting various Pokemon characters (wearing imaginary space suits) having a fight. At some point Erez kicks a sand ball which hits Dani’s face; Dani is physically hit, spits and sneezes, and calls out Erez’s name.Erez apologizes briefly (slixa (lit. ‘forgive’)) but his apology is emphatically rejected by Dani (No, I’m not forgiving you, turns 321 324). Next, Dani uses the opportunity of the student-teacher addressing him on another matter (Daniele, did you have a drink) to try and register a complaint (YES BUT EREZ, shouting in anger) and is cut off by Erez apologizing again (also shouti ng, turn 327). The student-teacher, apparently inferring from this Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 25Example 5a: â€Å"You have to accept his apology†: The role of the mediator Participants: Erez, m, (5;11); Dani, m, (5;11); Alon, m (5); Student (Assistant). Date: 6. 4. 00. Place: â€Å"Einit preschool, Jerusalem. Situation: The children are playing Pokemon. 26 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 5a: (continued) brief exchange that there must have been a fight and that Dani is the offended party, attempts to appease Dani by convincing him to accept Erez’s apology (328: What happened? , uttered as a rhetorical question, He is apologizing).But Dani won’t have any of it and continues to recount the details of the incident in a shouting voice that indicates his emotional stress (329 335), ignoring Erez’s attempt for finding an excuse (but I didn’t see). At turn 334, the student takes on the role of the mediator in earnest. She a llocates turns, (using explicit meta-pragmatic comments) as in a political debate, allowing each of the parties to present his side. First ensuring Dani’s speaking space (Let him speak and then you tell me) and then allocating speaking rights to Erez (Let’s hear what Erez has to say).Dani uses his speaking rights to complete the description of the violation (the act of kicking the sand in his face) and its consequences (I have sand in my mouth ) (335 336). Erez uses his space to provide a confused account of the happenings that led to the incident (including reference to previous unclear violation, when someone threw something on him)8 and goes on to minimize his responsibility for the incident through a series of excuses that embed the offense in the pretend play frame: accusing the other party (they shot at me first ), describing the unintended consequence of an action (I wanted to shoot and it flew the sand ).This sequence includes ‘positive excuses’ (W einer et al. 1987) indicating that the skills needed for engaging in image restoration (Benoit 1995) and self facesaving (Chen 2001) are already activated by children in the preschool. In turn 338, the student tries to clarify if there has been any bad intention behind the offense. We can see her efforts as an attempt to socialize the children to the conventional norm for assigning blame; full responsibility applies only if the deed was fully intentional.After clarifying with Erez (in courtroom highly coercive interrogative ‘yes/no questions’ style) that the acts were not intentional, she announces her verdict as mediator, carefully attending to both parties, asking Erez to be more careful next time, and urging Dani to accept the apology (turn 342)9. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 27 Example 5b: ‘I don’t forgive you and I’m not your friend’ Participants: Erez, m, (5;11); Dani, m, (5;11); Alon, m (5); Date: 6. . 00. Place: †Å"Einit preschool, Jerusalem. ((22 turns omitted) Does Dani accept the mediation? Though there is no verbal indication that he does, the resumption of normal communication between the two children (Erez declares that he is going, Dani asks him to bring him his Pokadur) seems to suggest that the incident has been resolved. But actually, as the next extract shows, this is not the case at all. In the part omitted, Dani and Alon continue playing without Erez.When Erez returns, Daniel does not mince words to tell him not only that his apology has been in vain, but also that he has drawn the necessary conclusions: ‘Erez, Erez, Erez, I, I don’t forgive you and I’m not your friend anymore’ (368). We can see that despite all her efforts, the adult’s attempts at mediation and conciliation had no visible impact on the offended party, and the conflict remains unresolved. It is interesting to note the supportive part played in the conflict by Alon, Dani’s younger friend.First, Alon is the one who stays to play with Dani, after Erez leaves; second, he aligns himself with Dani by offering a moral to the incident that supports Dani (369: The one who is bad goes to hell, the one who is good goes to Heaven); third, he continues in his efforts to appease Dani and make him feel better for several minutes after the play is over by making new suggestions for a joint activity (would you like to continue with me the picture my dad drew for me of Pikachu? ). All to no avail, until he finally manages to make him join in laughter around a funny speech error10.In the next episode, the children are playing in a wooden structure in the yard called â€Å"the boys’ structure†. The structure contains an old cupboard, some tools and several big pillows. Preceding the episode quoted here they prepare an â€Å"insects cake†from sand (and ants) for one of the children’s imaginary birthday, present it to the birthday child who 2 8 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka pretends to taste it, and then pour its content into the sand box at the other end of the yard and run back to the â€Å"boys’ structure†.The confrontational event begins when Ariel asks Yoav to hand him the stick Yoav is holding, claiming it as his, and when Yoav refuses, tries to grab it by force. During the fight that develops, Yoav receives a blow from Ariel. At first one of the children justifies the act (38: Golan: Because you didn’t give me the stick’) but as they realize the seriousness of the blow and Naor threatens to tell the staff (43: ‘I’m going to tell on you Ariel ’) both Ariel and Golan begin to apologize profusely with Ariel repeating ‘sorry’ (slixa) no less than 14 times.This intensity, as suggested by Darby and Schlenker (1982), is possibly motivated by the threat to involve an institutional figure in the conflict. The male Teacher-Aid who appears on the scene makes no attempt to mediate for reconciliation. Instead, he threatens to impose collective punishment, I’ll take (it) apart, because, there is too much violence there (turns 60, 62), and indeed proceeds to take the stick from Ariel and dismantle the structure. When a few minutes later Ariel approaches Yoav with a new idea for play and Yoav concedes (77 78: Ariel: Let’s have a picnic; Yoav: Let’s have a party).At first the previous incident seems to have been completely forgotten, but Ariel’s reference to the unpleasant incident in turns 81 and 83 I didn’t mean to do it to you and I didn’t mean at all to do it to you (meaning, to hurt you) sheds a new light on the whole exchange, turning it into a carefully planned remedial action, performed in stages. The first stage consists of an attempt to re-establish mutual trust as friends by proposing a joint play, using solidarity politeness markers (‘let’s’) that suggest common ground. It is only after the offer is fully embraced by the other child, and a shared commitment to renewed friendship is firmly established, that reference is made to the previous incident. The renewal of friendship, which is expressed verbally through each child echoing the other’s ‘let’s’ utterance, underscoring their new togetherness, seems to work here to build the trust needed for allowing for the apology to come forward in a context that enhances its chances for being accepted as sincere.In this mutually supportive context, Ariel’s repeated denial of intent (see turns 81 and 83) stands a better chance of being accepted than in the confrontational context preceding it, and we can indeed witness its success through the two children’s full collaboration in the new play frame11. The renewal of friendship between Ariel and Yoav stands in sharp contrast to the outcome of the previous incident, in which Dani refuses point blank to renew his friendshi p with Erez.What we can see here is that the children’s norms for face threat and remedial action are driven by local, child world specific concerns: friendship is the central motivating force for interpersonal relations, and there are (mostly) unspoken norms governing appropriate behavior between Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 29 Example 6: ‘Let’s do a picnic party’ Yoav, m, (4;8); TEACHER-AID, Teacher Assistant (m); Golan, m, (5;6); Ariel, m, (4;11); Amichay, m, (4;10); Amit, m, (4;11); Naor; Date: 05-06-00, Place: â€Å"Einit†kindergarden, Jerusalem.Situation: The children are playing in the recycled junkyard consisting of small structures; they are in the â€Å"boys’ play structure†. 30 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 6: (continued) ((continued: the boys are playing peacefully and keep on planning their picnic. )) friends. Breaches of this behavior (like causing physical damage to your friend) are taken as face threatening not only to the offended party, but also to their shared face as friends.Since it is friendship that is jeopardized, such confrontational episodes can have either of two outcomes: (temporary) end of friendship or successful remedial action that leads to its full resumption. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 31 5. Other means of reconciliation In this section we discuss the sholem (literally ‘peace’) ritual as one salient indirect way of negotiating reconciliation in the children’s world12.The sholem ritual is an important cultural practice of appeasement in Israeli children’s peer world. The word sholem denotes being in a friendly state, and its antonym brogez, (in anger) denotes being in antagonistic state. The terms can be used both to denote being ‘in peace’ (sholem) or the opposite (brogez, ‘in anger’) as well as performatively, to bring such states into being (Katriel 1985). Through the shole m event children declare and mark performatively the end of conflict; sholem events put an end to a period of brogez.They provide speakers with indirect means for appeasement, circumventing the need to apologize explicitly and thereby minimizing the threat to the self’s negative face. Similar to apologies, sholem rituals presuppose that a violation has taken place, has led to a state of brogez (a severance of relationship), a situation which is being remedied through the performance of the ritual which allows for the resumption of relations and reestablishment of the normal social matrix. The initiation for a sholem ritual can be rejected, which is face-threatening for the initiator.Our next example illustrates one way to minimize the threat to negative self face. By engaging in a pre-sholem-ritual move, querying the state of the relationship (are you brogez/sholem with †¦? ) rather than attempting to change it, the speaker can find out if the necessary preparatory condi tion for the ritual holds without actually risking its performance. In the following extract, the three boys are talking about their forthcoming lunch, and Ben expresses concern that one of the boys (Eitan) will not share his bagels with his friends.Apparently bagels are a coveted item, but to have them shared necessitates that both receiver (s) and donor are in a friendly relationship. But Eitan (the potential donor) is considered a ‘non-friend’ throughout the exchange, in which the other boys keep telling him that they are in a state of brogez with him. Ben’s question to Eli (turn 92) refers to Eitan (the potential donor) in the third person, suggesting that he is an unratified participant; one with whom the others are in a state of ‘not friends right now’ (brogez).This is a state Eli’s proposes to remedy through the sholem ritual of peace making. But instead of following up this suggestion, Ben, speaking on behalf of the group, minimizes th e threat to Eitan’s positive face caused by his exclusion by claiming that it was not in earnest (94: we teased you, teased you, okay? ), and then goes on to query rather than state the collective wish to make peace. In the next example the pre-sholem-ritual query is used as a sophisticated indirect strategy for gaining play entry (Blum-Kulka, in press). 2 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 7: ‘Make now sholem’ Participants: Ben, m, (4;9); Eli, m, (4;6); Eitan, m (4;11); Date: 2. 2. 2000. Place: â€Å"Dganit†kindergarden, Ashdod. Situation: The children are talking about their forthcoming lunch. This extract is a small part of a long episode in which Dalit and Adi, best friends, engage in pretend play based on Pokemon characters, while a third girl, Shirley, makes repeated failed attempts to join in.This extract represents a failed attempt at appeasement. Shirley’s preritual-query in turn 22 (are you (plural) sholem with me? ) queries the status of her friendship with the two other girls in an attempt to establish the necessary precondition for play entry. As noted by Corsaro (1985), children in this age group use ‘claims of friendship in an attempt to gain access, and the denial of friendship as a basis for exclusion’ (p. 168). Example 8: The ‘sholem-brogez’ incidentParticipants: Dalit, f, (5;0); Adi, f, (4;7); Shirly, f, (4;0). Date: 4. 5. 2000. Place: â€Å"Dganit†kindergarden, Ashdod. Situation: The children are playing freely outside. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 33 Shirley’s indirect request to join in systematically rejected by Dalit (see turns 25 for an indirect denial of friendship and 28 for reference to arbitrary rules as a way for denial), while her friend, Adi, acts as the gobetween, speaking up for Shirley while also placating Dalit.The failure to reach reconciliation is encapsulated in Shirley’s move in turn 26: she declares a new state of personal dispute, singling Dalit brogez itax (singular ‘you’), thereby countering Dalit’s move of exclusion by reclaiming the initiative for herself. In principle, this should rule out any further attempts by her to join the game, but in practice she does continue with her efforts to negotiate entry, efforts met every time with direct yet grounded refusals on the part of Dalit13. Several points about children’s concept of apologies that we saw earlier are illustrated here: first, the centrality of friendship as a necessary recondition for all social relationships (be it for sharing food or joint play); second, the vulnerability of ‘friendship’ as a shared face construct; and third, physical damage as well as acts of exclusion constitute grave face-threats that sever friendships and hence need to be remedied in ways that ensure the re-institution of the relationship in full. 6. Summary The analysis of apology events in peer interaction as pr esented here suggests that the children’s system of politeness for apologies contains a rich repertoire of verbal formulae and apology functions, and is largely driven by the deep interests of childhood peer culture.The verbal formulae manifest in the children’s talk echo adult usage: both the young and the older cohort used the formulaic slixa (literally, ‘forgive’, used as ‘excuse me’) and ani micta’er (‘I’m sorry’), for a number of functions and in different keyings. Thus ‘I’m sorry’ is being used formulaically (I’m sorry, I don’t have †¦ ) and sarcastically (I’m sorry for his momentary insanity †¦ by 10 year old boy), and ‘forgive’ is used both in a challenging key (excuse me teacher, don’t speak †¦ ) and in earnest (I’m sorry for what I did, excuse me).We also saw that the pragmatic repertoire for apologies includes the ability to detect a complaint realized indirectly, to use various excuses to minimize responsibility and to deny intent Comparing the two cohorts, we saw that with age, the range of forms and functions increases, as does the repertoire of acts considered as violations requiring an apology14. Thus, while apologies made by younger children are often conventional in nature and focus mostly on ‘breach of expectation’ type of violation, (as in Silver? Silver? Sorry, I don’t have silver color’, in response to a request for a silver color from a 6 year old girl).Preadolescents vary their use of forms and keyings to address di- 34 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka verse types of offenses (as in the case of Iris, 10, personifying the microphone by ‘eh forgive me, don’t be offended, don’t be offended ’). Concurrently, the need to apologize often arises in situations of play, in cases when a momentary violent act by one of the children threatens wh at Corsaro (1985) calls â€Å"the fragile interactive space†shared by a group of playmates. Corsaro argues that the concept of friendship in the preschool years is mainly built on the concept of collaboration in play.Your friends are the children you play with, and since peer interactive spaces are difficult to enter yet easily disrupted, ‘children develop relation with several playmates as a way to maximize the probability of successful entry’ (Corsaro 1985: 186). Our observations suggest a broader concept of friendship in the preschool years. Friendship as such seems to be conceived as the major precondition for gaining access to play: being ‘in peace’ (sholem) indexes being friends, and declaring a state of ‘in anger’ (brogez) indexes a grave threat to face because it means the denial of friendship.Hence disruptive acts during play are interpreted as threatening the very foundation which makes play possible, namely presupposed friend ship. The negotiation over the remedial action that follows, successful or not, has to do with re-instating the relationship. Interestingly, when adults intervene, the focus shifts to the clarification of intent (TA: you have to accept his apology because he did not do it on purpose) whereas among the children, intent gets mentioned only after mutual trust and solidarity have been re-established through the acceptance of a new play frame (Yonatan: I didn’t mean to).The study of children’s apologies, as undertaken here, is exploratory in nature and does not claim to represent the full pragmatic system for children’s notions of face threat and remedial action at different ages. Yet because it is based entirely on natural discourse, it allows us a glimpse into the way that children’s politeness systems are being shaped in their daily interactions, and how they are driven by local immediate concerns of childhood culture, like friendship, while concurrently co nstantly adopting the forms and conventions of the adult world. Notes 1.There are only few apology studies that have relied on transcribed natural discourse. The two recent studies that did rely on natural spoken data (Deutschmann, 2003 from a politeness theory perspective; Robinson, 2004 from a CA perspective), focused on adult usage only. 2. See Blum-Kulka et al. (2004) and Blum-Kulka (2005) for more information on the project. 3. Obviously, more research is needed for reaching any cross-cultural or age related conclusions from such comparisons. 4. The findings also indicate some gender differences in the types of offenses which precede apologies.Whereas most of the boys’ apologies were realized after a vio- Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 35 lent conflict (which fall mainly to the accident category), girls apologized mainly after lack of consideration or talk offenses. See Sheldon (1993) and Sheldon and Johnson (1994) for the broader picture of gender differences in conflict talk. Transcription Conventions: word emphasis Wo::rd stretch WORD loud volume ?word? low volume AB pitch changes slow rhythm >words< fast rhythm #words# unique tone (0) pause [words] overlap word overlatch word- cut-off word) transcription doubt ((comment)) comments (†¦. ) unclear talk. Turn numbers reflect the original numbering in the full recorded session the excerpt is taken from. The English translation follows the Hebrew text closely; cases where Israeli norms or strategies are culture specific are commented on in the body of the paper. Deutschmann (2003) includes in this category offenses such declining offers or requests, forgetting agreements etc. For example, when Dafna (6;2) asks for the silver color during a joint drawing activity, Daniela (5;9) apologizes â€Å"Silver? Silver? Sorry, I don’t have silver color†).It is not perfectly clear from the tape who is uttering the first â€Å"sorry†i n this sequence. The second IFID realization in turn 36 is made by Danni, who is also the offender in this apology event. Because of technical problems the sequence was only partly transcribed, a matter which makes it difficult to characterize the violations in detail; thus we do not know what the TA is referring to when she talks about â€Å"falling†. This is the only occurrence of the word â€Å"apology†in the corpus. Nine turns later (382) the children started to play with an iron which warmed up in the sun, and later sat on it.Prompted by the heated metal, they started a verbal play with a distortion of the utterance â€Å"my butt is boiling†, which made them both laugh and finally succeeded in cheering up Dani. Ariel’s moves seem to resemble the â€Å"confidence building measures†diplomats talk about in the context of international conflict resolution. We have also noted other indirect ways of appeasement, such as humor, narratives and expla nations, but will not elaborate on these for lack of space. There were 32 â€Å"brogez†utterances and 17 â€Å"sholem†utterances in the young cohort’s data, and not a single occurrence in the older cohort’s talk.We can see that the â€Å"sholem†ritual is replaced with age by the conventional apology formula of the adult world. A caveat is in order here. More data is needed to confirm our developmental observations, since some of them might be due to the different circumstances in which peer talk took place in the two cohorts: during free play in groups for the younger children, and during a meal in a fast food restaurant in pairs of two for the older cohorts. 36 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka References Benoit, W. L. (1995). Accounts, Excuses and Apologies: A Theory of Image Restoration Strategies.Albany: State University of New York Press. Bergman, L. M. and G. Kasper (1993). Perception and performance in native and nonnative apology. In I nterlanguage Pragmatics, G. Kasper and S. Blum-Kulka (eds. ). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Brown, P. and S. Levinson (1987 [1978]). Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Blum-Kulka, S. , J. House, and G. Kasper (eds. ) (1989). Cross-Cultural Pragmatics: Requests and Apologies. Vol. 31. New Directions in Discourse Processing. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Blum-Kulka, S. , D. Huck-Taglicht, and H. Avni (2004).The social and discursive spectrum of peer talk. Thematic issue of Discourse Studies: Peer talk and pragmatic development. 6 (3): 307 329. Blum-Kulka, S. (2005). ‘I will tell you the whole true story now’: Sequencing the past, present and future in children’s conversational narratives. In Perspectives on Language and Language Development: Essays in Honor of Ruth Berman, D. Ravid and H. Bat-Z. Shyldkrot (eds. ), 178 205. Dodrecht: Kluwer. Blum-Kulka, S. (in press). ‘If it’s my size, would it be possible to wear it a bit? ’ Israeli children’s peer talk requests. In Studies in Language and Education: Essays in Honor of Elite Olshtain, A.Stavans and I. Kupferberg (eds. ). Jerusalem: New Vistas in Education and Society Series, Magnes Press. Butler, C. D. (2001). The role of context in the apology speech act: A socio-constructivist analysis of the interpretations of native English-speaking college students. Dissertation. The Humanities and Social Sciences (DAIA), Ann Arbor, MI. Chen, R. (2001). Self politeness: A proposal. Journal of Pragmatics, 33: 87 106. Corsaro, W. A. (1985). Friendship and Peer Culture in the Early Years. Norwood, N. J. : Ablex. Darby, B. W. and B. R. Schlenker (1982). Children’s reactions to apologies.Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 43: 742 753. Darby, B. W. and B. R. Schlenker (1989). Children’s reactions to transgressions: Effects of the actor’s apology, reputation and remorse. British Journal of Social Psychology 28: 353 364. Deutschmann, M. (2003) Apologizing in British English. Umea: Umea University Press. Edmondson, W. J. (1981). On Saying You’re Sorry. In Conversational Routine, F. Coulmas, (ed. ), 273 288. The Hague: Mouton De Gruyter. Garcia, C. (1989). Apologizing in English: Politeness strategies used by native and non native speakers. Multilingua 8 (1): 3 20. Goffman, E. 1971). Relations in Public. New York: Basic Books. Graybill, D. (1990). Developmental changes in the response types versus aggression categories on the Rosenzweig Picture-Frustration Study, Children’s Form. Journal of Personality Assessment 55: 603 609. Hickson, L. (1986). The social contexts of apology in dispute settlement: A crosscultural study. Ethnology, 25: 283 294. Holmes, J. (1989). Sex differences and apologies: One aspect of communicative competence. Applied Linguistics, 10: 194 213. Holmes, J. (1990). Apologies in New Zealand English. Language in Society, 19 (2): 155 199. Holmes, J. (1993).New Zealand women are good to talk to: An analysis of politeness strategies in interaction. Journal of Pragmatics, 20 (2): 91 116. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 37 Katriel, T. (1985). Brogez: Ritual and strategy in Israeli children’s conflicts. Language in Society, 14 (4): 467 490. Lakoff, R. B. (2001). Nine ways of looking at apologies: The necessity for interdisciplinary theory and method in discourse analysis. In Handbook of Discourse Analysis, D. Schiffrin, D. Tannen, and H. Hamilton (eds. ), 199 214. Oxford: Blackwell. Leech, G. N. (1983). Principles of Pragmatics. London: Longman.Meier A. J. (1998). Apologies: What do we know? Journal of Applied Linguistics. 8 (2): 215 231. Meier, A. J. (2004). Conflict and the power of apologies. PhiN (Philologie im Netz). 30: 1 17. http://www. fu-berlin. de/phin/phin30/p30t1. htm. Much, N. C. and Shweder, R. A. (1978). Speaking of rules: The analysis of culture in breach. New Directions for Child Development: Moral Develo pment 2: 19 39. Olshtain, E. (1989). Apologies across languages. In Cross-Cultural Pragmatics: Requests and Apologies, S. Blum-Kulka, H. Juliane, and G. Kasper (eds. ), 155 173. Norwood, N. J. : Ablex. Reiter, R. M. (2000).Linguistics Politeness in Britain and Uruguay. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Robinson, J. D. (2004). The sequential organization of â€Å"explicit†apologies in naturally occurred English. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 37 (3): 291 330. Schadler, M. and B. Ayers-Nachamkin (1983). The development of excuse-making. In Excuses: Masquerades in Search of Grace, C R. Snyder, R. L. Higgins, and R. J. Stucky (eds. ), 159 189. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Sheldon, A. (1993). Saying it with a smile: Girls’ conflict talk as double-voice discourse. In Principles and Prediction: The Analysis of Natural Language.Papers in Honor of Jerry Sander. , M. Eid and G. Iverson (eds. ), 215 232. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Sheldon, A. and D. Johnson (1994). Pres chool negotiators: Gender differences in double-voice discourse as a conflict talk style in early childhood. In Research on Negotiation in Organizations, vol. 4, B. Sheppard, R. Lewicki, and R. Bies (eds. ), 25 57. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Suszczynska, M. (1999). Apologizing in English, Polish and Hungarian: Different lan? guages, different strategies. Journal of Pragmatics. 31: 1053 1065. Tavuchis, N. (1991). Mea Culpa: A Sociology of Apology and Reconciliation.Stanford: Stanford University Press Tannen, D. (1994). Gender and Discourse. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Trosborg, A. (1987). Apology strategies in natives/non-natives. Journal of Pragmatics. 11 (2): 147 167. Weiner, B. and S. J. Handel (1985). A cognition-emotion-action sequence: Anticipated emotional consequences of causal attributions and reported communication strategy. Developmental Psychology 21: 102 107. Weiner, B. , J. F. Amirkhan, S. Valerie, and J. A. Verette (1987). An attributional analysis of excuse giving : Studies of a naive theory of emotion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 52: 316 324.
Sunday, January 5, 2020
Steps for Strong Time Management for College Students
Within the first few days of starting college, many students quickly learn that managing their time is one of the most challenging -- and difficult -- aspects of being in school. With so much to do and keep track of, strong time management skills can make all the difference. Get and Use a Calendar It can be a paper calendar. It can be your cell phone. It can be a PDA. It can be a bullet journal. No matter what kind it is, though, make sure you have one. Write Down Everything Write down everything in one place. (Having multiple calendars just gives you more to do amidst an already tight schedule.) Schedule when you plan to sleep, when you are going to do your laundry, and when youre going to call your parents. The crazier your schedule gets, the more important this becomes. Schedule Time to Relax Dont forget to schedule a time to relax and breathe. Just because your calendar goes from 7:30 a.m. to 10:00 p.m. doesnt mean you can. Keep Trying New Systems If your cell phone calendar isnt big enough, buy a paper one. If your paper one keeps getting torn, try a PDA. If you have too many things written down each day, try color-coding to help simplify. Very few college students make it through their programs without some kind of calendaring system; keep trying until you find one that works for you. Allow for Flexibility Things inevitably come up that you werent expecting. You may not have known that your roommates birthday is this week, and you certainly dont want to miss the celebrations! Leave room in your calendar so that you can move things around a little when needed. Plan Ahead Do you have a large research paper due the last week of the semester? Work backward in your calendar and figure out how much time you need to write it, how much time youll need to research it, and how much time youll need to pick your topic. If you think youll need six weeks for the entire project, work backward from the due date and schedule the time into your calendar before its too late. Plan for the Unexpected Sure, you just might be able to pull off two papers and a presentation during midterms week. But what happens if you catch the flu the night youre supposed to be pulling the all-nighter? Expect the unexpected so you dont have to spend more unplanned time trying to fix your mistakes. Schedule Rewards Your midterms week is a nightmare, but it will all be over Friday by 2:30. Schedule a fun afternoon and a nice dinner out with some friends; your brain will need it, and you can relax knowing that youre not supposed to be doing anything else.
Friday, January 3, 2020
Globalization Is An Ongoing Process, And The Process Of...
Introduction: Indian Government announced the Globalisation policy in July, 1991 with the main aim of increasing the standard of living of the country people and putting the country s economy in the right direction. As a part of the structural adjustment of the policy, opening the gateways of Indian economy, one of the largest economies in the world, to the world in every sphere, be it trade, investment and allowing the multinational companies to make profit in the country, was essential. Now the question arises - What does this term GLOBALISATION actually stand for? Globalisation refers to opening the economy of a particular country to the world by removing protective barriers against trade, technology and investment among countries. According to E.Paradee, globalisation is an ongoing process, and the process of globalisation, has been taking place for sometime in the field of financial markets, trading etc.(S. E. Paradee, 1988). According to Malcom. S.Adiseshiah, globalisation generally means that both the production process and institutions associated with production of a given commodity as well as its sales and distributions are no longer limited to one country but cover several countries. For instance, the parts of a particular commodity may be manufactured in several countries and yet assembled in another, but the commodities produced in different countries may depend on their cost advantage over others and cover almost all parts of the globe. (Malcom. S.Show Mo reRelatedGlobalization Means Underaken Entirely805 Words  | 3 Pages1. Defining Globalization: The term Globalization in origin came from the word ‘global’. In different languages there are different meanings for the word global. Meydan Larousse defined the term global as ‘’undertaken entirely’’ and this meaning was attributed to the word global by western languages. In French this term means ‘’homogeneity’’. 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